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  • CHILDHOPE-ZAMBIA'S Online Resources
  • Online resources on CHILDHOPE-ZAMBIA, on orphaned children in general, the state of orphans worldwide and the fight against the major orphanage root causes - poverty, disease, HIV/AIDS, war, and famine. Your charitable donations sponsor orphans, vulnerable and disabled children including the low vision and blind children at CHILDHOPE-ZAMBIA. Volunteers are most welcome with their donation of time and skills. CHILDHOPE currently supports 3,600 in Mazabuka, Monze and Choma districts of Southern Province of Zambia. Most children are AIDS orphans/ victims that lost their parent(s) from the AIDS epidemic. Our mission is to serve all their essential needs in a parental capacity. We’re a growing global family to the children and humbly invite you to join us in this labor of love for the children in the rural areas who do not have the basic necessities to thrive.
  • Worldwide Orphaned children Statistics
    Worldwide Orphan Facts, Figures and Statistics
    Sub-Saharan Africa Orphan Statistics
    • The total number of orphans in Sub-Saharan Africa is greater than the total number of children in Denmark, Ireland, Norway, Canada and Sweden.
    • There are currently an estimated 53.1 million orphans in Sub-Saharan Africa. Of those children, 30% lost parents to the AIDS epidemic.
    • An estimated 12% of all children in Sub-Saharan Africa are orphans. Of those children, 5.7 million were orphaned in 2010 alone.
    • There are 28.5 million estimated maternal orphans in Sub-Saharan Africa. Over 14,000 of them are being raised in one of the 126 SOS Children’s Villages in the region.
    • At least 600,000 people are supported through other SOS facilities, including SOS schools and Family Strengthening Programs.

  • Asia Orphan Statistics

    • There are currently 68.9 million orphans in Asia, giving this region the largest absolute number of orphans in the world.
    • Roughly 6% of all children in Asia are orphans, with 7.7 million orphaned in 2010 alone.
    • In Cambodia, Laos and Korea the prevalence is even higher where 10% of all children are orphans.

  • • There are 20.3 million maternal orphans in Asia. SOS Children’s Villages cares for 27,000 of them in 149 SOS Children’s Villages in the region.
    • India alone has 31 SOS Children’s Villages throughout the country, making it the country with the largest amount of SOS Children’s Villages in the world.
    Latin America Orphan Statistics
    • Roughly 5% of all children in Latin America are orphans (10.2 million in total), with 1.2 million orphaned in 2010 alone.
    • Even before the tragic earthquake in Haiti, over 15% of children were estimated to be orphans, more than twice the regional average.
    • There are 2.5 million maternal orphans in Latin America, SOS Children’s Villages cares for 13,000 of them in 126 SOS Children’s Villages in the region.
    • Many of these SOS children are former street children, orphaned or abandoned as a result of poverty, conflict, or natural disaster.
    • SOS Children's Villages renders immediate assistance in the face of conflict or natural disaster with emergency relief programs, which are often converted into permanent facilities
    Foster Care in the United States
    Approximately 25,000 children age out of the foster care system every year at age 18.
    • 25% of these foster children will become homeless
    • 56% of these emancipated foster care children enter the unemployment ranks
    • 27% of the emancipated male children in foster care end up in jail
    • 30% of the emancipated females in foster care experience early parenthood
    Orphan Statistics
    Every 15 SECONDS, another child becomes an AIDS orphan in Africa1
    Every DAY 5,760 more children become orphans
    Every YEAR 2,102,400 more children become orphans (in Africa alone)
    143,000, 000 Orphans in the world today spend an average of 10 years3 in an orphanage or foster home
    Approximately 250,000 children are adopted annually, but…
    Every YEAR 14,050,000 children still grow up as orphans and AGE OUT4 of the system
    Every DAY 38,493 children AGE OUT
    Every 2.2 SECONDS, another orphan child AGES OUT with no family to belong to and no place to call home
    In Ukraine and Russia 10% -15% of children who are out of an orphanage commit suicide before age 18.
    60% of the girls are lured into prostitution. 70% of the boys become hardened criminals.
    Many of these children accept job offers that ultimately result in their being sold as slaves. Millions of girls are sex slaves today, simply because they were unfortunate enough to grow up as orphans. Reliable statistics are difficult to find, even the sources often list only estimates, and street children are rarely included. But even if these figures are exaggerated by double, it is still an unacceptable tragedy that over a Million children would still become orphans every year, and every year 7 Million children would still grow to adulthood as orphans with no one to belong to and no place to call home.

    Courtesy of the Home for Good Foundation
  • Who is an orphan?
    UNICEF and global partners define an orphan as a child who has lost one or both parents. By this definition there were over 132 million orphans in sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean in 2005. This large figure represents not only children who lost both parents, but also those who lost a father but have a surviving mother or lost their mother but have a surviving father. Of the more than 132 million children classified as orphans that year, 13 million lost both parents. Evidence clearly shows that the vast majority of orphans are living with a surviving parent grandparent, or other family member. 95 per cent of all orphans are over the age of five. This definition contrasts with concepts of orphan in many industrialized countries, where a child must have lost both parents to qualify as an orphan. UNICEF and numerous international organizations adopted the broader definition of orphan in the mid-1990s as the AIDS pandemic began leading to the death of millions of parents worldwide, leaving an ever increasing number of children growing up without one or more parents. So the terminology of a ‘single orphan’–the loss of one parent–and a ‘double orphan’–the loss of both parents–was born to convey this growing crisis. However, this difference in terminology can have concrete implications for policies and programming for children. For example, UNICEF’s ‘orphan’ statistic might be interpreted to mean that globally there are 163 million children in need of a new family, shelter, or care. This misunderstanding may then lead to responses that focus on providing care for individual children rather than supporting the families and communities that care for orphans and are in need of support.
    In keeping with this and the agency’s commitment to adapt to the evolving realities of the AIDS crisis, UNICEF commissioned an analysis of population household surveys across 36 countries. Designed to compare current conditions of orphans and non-orphans, the global analysis suggests we should further expand our scope, focusing less on the concept of orphan hood and more on a range of factors that render children vulnerable. These factors include the family's ownership of property, the poverty level of the household, the child’s relationship to the head of the household, and the education level of the child’s parents, if they are living. In UNICEF’s experience, these are the elements that can help identify both children and their families–whether this term includes living parents, grandparents or other relatives–who have the greatest need for our support.

  • UNICEF's position on Inter-country adoption
    Since the 1960s, there has been an increase in the number of inter-country adoptions. Concurrent with this trend, there have been growing international efforts to ensure that adoptions are carried out in a transparent, non-exploitative, legal manner to the benefit of the children and families concerned. In some cases, however, adoptions have not been carried out in ways that served the best interest of the children -- when the requirements and procedures in place were insufficient to prevent unethical practices. Systemic weaknesses persist and enable the sale and abduction of children, coercion or manipulation of birth parents, falsification of documents and bribery. The Convention on the Rights of the Child, which guides UNICEF’s work, clearly states that every child has the right to grow up in a family environment, to know and be cared for by her or his own family, whenever possible. Recognizing this, and the value and importance of families in children’s lives, families needing assistance to care for their children have a right to receive it.
    When, despite this assistance, a child’s family is unavailable, unable or unwilling to care for her/him, then appropriate and stable family-based solutions should be sought to enable the child to grow up in a loving, caring and supportive environment.
    Inter-country adoption is among the range of stable care options. For individual children who cannot be cared for in a family setting in their country of origin, inter-country adoption may be the best permanent solution. UNICEF supports inter-country adoption, when pursued in conformity with the standards and principles of the 1993 Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Inter-country Adoptions – already ratified by more than 80 countries. This Convention is an important development for children, birth families and prospective foreign adopters. It sets out obligations for the authorities of countries from which children leave for adoption, and those that are receiving these children. The Convention is designed to ensure ethical and transparent processes. This international legislation gives paramount consideration to the best interests of the child and provides the framework for the practical application of the principles regarding inter-country adoption contained in the Convention on the Rights of the Child.
    These include ensuring that adoptions are authorized only by competent authorities, guided by informed consent of all concerned, that inter-country adoption enjoys the same safeguards and standards which apply in national adoptions, and that inter-country adoption does not result in improper financial gain for those involved in it. These provisions are meant first and foremost to protect children, but also have the positive effect of safeguarding the rights of their birth parents and providing assurance to prospective adoptive parents that their child has not been the subject of illegal practices. The case of children separated from their families and communities during war or natural disasters merits special mention. Family tracing should be the first priority and inter-country adoption should only be envisaged for a child once these tracing efforts have proved fruitless, and stable in-country solutions are not available.
    This position is shared by UNICEF, UNHCR, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, the Hague Conference on Private International Law, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and international NGOs such as the Save the Children Alliance and International Social Service. UNICEF offices around the world support the strengthening of child protection systems. We work with governments, UN partners and civil society to protect vulnerable families, to ensure that robust legal and policy frameworks are in place and to build capacity of the social welfare, justice and law enforcement sectors. Most importantly, UNICEF focuses on preventing the underlying causes of child abuse, exploitation and violence.
    New York
    22 July 2010

  • Consequences of AIDS
    A. Consequences on orphan Children

    There are now 40 million people living with HIV/AIDS in the world, out of whom 29.4 million are living in Africa. The highest levels of HIV/AIDS are found in southern Africa, with prevalence rates exceeding 30 percent among the adult population in Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland and Zimbabwe (UNAIDS/WHO, 2002). There is an increase in the number of children in sub-Saharan countries who are affected by HIV/AIDS. Among the more than 34 million orphaned children in Africa, 11 million became orphans as a result of AIDS. From 1990 to 2010, the number of orphans in sub-Saharan Africa who have lost both parents will triple because of AIDS (UNAIDS/UNICEF/USAID, 2002).
    It is estimated that, by 2010, 5.8 percent of all children in the region will have been orphaned by AIDS. In the most affected 12 African countries, orphans in general will represent at least 15 percent of all children fewer than 15 years of age by 2015. Figure 1 summarizes the increase in number of AIDS and non-AIDS orphans. When defining the vulnerability of a child, assessing if one or both parents are alive is not adequate. In many parts of Africa it is common that children are fostered by relatives and do not live with their biological parents, even when the parents are alive. If children are living with other relatives and one or both of these relatives die, this will also have a large effect on the lives of the children (Foster and Williamson, 2000).
    Orphans can be grouped as maternal orphans, paternal orphans and double orphans. Children may also have an ill parent or an ill foster parent. Some children have lost both their parents and their foster parents. Vulnerability of children increases long before the death of a parent or guardian. Children watch the parent deteriorate and eventually die. They often face loss of family and identity, increased malnutrition and reduced opportunity for education. Without adequate care and support, many are exposed to exploitative child labour and abuse and face increased vulnerability to HIV infection.
    When a mother dies, the level of care is reduced dramatically, and the children become more susceptible to illness. It should be recognized that figures on the number of orphans in Africa show only a part of all of the children who do not receive adequate parental care. Lack of proper care for orphans is further exacerbated by the fact that many of the adults in the extended family who care for orphans are also HIV-positive or living with AIDS. The disease increases poverty in families as time and money are spent to care for an escalating number of sick relatives and for treatment in cases in which people develop AIDS-related infections. The evidence regarding care for orphans shows that resources and caring capacity of mothers, fathers and relatives vary. A study in Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe (SADC/FANR, 2003) showed that on average 20 percent of households are caring for one or more orphans. More often it is female-headed households rather than male-headed households that care for orphans.
    In Malawi, almost 40 percent of female-headed households care for orphans. In these three countries, less than 1 percent of all households are headed by children. In areas where AIDS has weakened the extended family system and other relatives such as uncles and aunts are chronically ill or have died, it seems that grandparents are increasingly charged with the task of caring for orphans (Foster and Williamson, 2000). In Zambia, 40 percent of households headed by an older person were caring for an orphan, while 28 percent of households headed by a younger adult were caring for such children. In a study in Uganda, 40 percent of the adults who were looking after orphans were HIV-positive parents themselves (Gilborn et al., 2001).
    Impact of becoming an orphan
    A wide variety of problems can affect orphans, including increased food insecurity, stigma and discrimination, reduced access to education and economic opportunities, and sexual abuse and exploitation (Desmond, Michael and Grow, 2000; Donahue, 1998; Gilborn et al., 2001).
    When a parent becomes ill, the education of a child is disrupted. A study of data collected in Uganda (Gilborn et al., 2001) shows that 26 percent of children reported a decline in school attendance and 25 percent reported a decline in school performance when parents became ill. According to the children of this study, parental illness detracts from school attendance because children stay home to care for sick parents. They have increased household responsibilities and need to care for younger children. They suffer emotional distress that interferes with school, and they have less money for school expenses. In another study of children in Uganda (Sengendo and Nambi, 1997), it was found that among children 15–19 years of age whose parents had died, only 29 percent had continued schooling undisrupted; 25 percent had lost school time, and 45 percent had dropped out of school. The school-age children with the greatest chance of continuing their education were those who lived with a surviving parent; children fostered by grandparents had the least chance.
  • Food security
    The 2002 humanitarian crisis in southern Africa was the first large-scale manifestation of the combined impact of HIV/AIDS and food insecurity caused by severe drought. The following associations between HIV/AIDS and food security were found (SADC/FANR 2003):
    • households without active adults earned 31 percent less income than households with active adults; households with two chronically ill adults had 66 percent less income than households without chronically ill adults;
    • households in Zambia in which the head of household is chronically ill planted 53 percent less than households without a chronically ill head of household; in Zambia, households with a chronically ill adult were 21 percent more food insecure than those without a chronically ill adult.
    HIV/AIDS and food security
    Even in years with average food production, HIV/AIDS can reduce household food security and make children more vulnerable. A study in Kenya showed that the death of the male head of a household reduced the value of the household crop production by 68 percent (Yamano and Jayne, 2002). A study in Rwanda showed that when the father had died, 53 percent of the households had a less nutritious diet; when the mother had died the figure was 23 percent (Donovan et al., 2003).When the father was ill, 42 percent of the households had a less nutritious diet; when the mother was ill, 34 percent of the households had a poorer diet.
    It should be expected that reduced financial resources and child care capacities would lead to greater vulnerability to morbidity and mortality of children affected by HIV/AIDS. However, data to support this hypothesis are relatively weak. A study conducted in the northwestern United Republic of Tanzania found that children whose mother alone had died had a 2.5-times higher risk of morbidity (Ainsworth and Semali, 2000). When the father alone had died, this risk was 1.8 times higher. In particular, children of poorer households were made more vulnerable by the death of a parent. In order to show a link between being affected by HIV/AIDS and morbidity and mortality, large sample sizes would be needed. However, the most vulnerable children are those under two years of age, and the number of children who have lost one or both parents at that age is relatively small. This phenomenon could explain why few data are available on the links between morbidity and mortality and being affected by HIV/AIDS.
    Several studies have found higher malnutrition rates among orphans. In the United Republic of Tanzania and Zambia, orphans were more likely to be stunted, but not more likely to be wasted, than non-orphans (Semali and Ainsworth, 1995; Poulter, 1997). Nutrition surveillance in Zimbabwe showed that underweight and stunting are higher among orphans than among non-orphans – 22 percent versus 17 percent, and 34 percent versus 26 percent ,respectively (UNICEF, 2003a). Some studies have not shown that orphans were at an increased risk of malnutrition.
  • A study carried out in Malawi showed that, among children living in villages, orphaned children were not more malnourished than non-orphans (Panpanich et al., 1999). Nutritional status is the outcome of a combination of household food security, health service and provision of care. As financial resources in households affected by HIV/AIDS decline, access to health care is compromised. Caring capacity for children is affected by HIV/AIDS in the following ways:
  • Reduced availability of care: care providers have to look after ill family members, relatives, neighbours and friends; available child care is reduced. Stretched care capacity: families take on orphans, and the care capacity is stretched. Reduced quality of care: when the main care provider is ill or dies, the care will have to be provided by other care providers who do not always have up-to-date caring knowledge and skills. Care receiver becoming care provider: increasingly children themselves will have to care for ill parents and siblings.
    B. Consequences on Families
    By the late 1990s, many governments and major international donors reacted to the growing evidence of the impact of HIV/AIDS on households by suggesting that “traditional” coping mechanisms would minimize the impact and allow households and communities to absorb the loss of members and of their income and assets and social contributions. This belief had an important political dimension. By acknowledging this element of African societies’ traditional strengths, governments and international agencies were not obligated to respond to the multiple crises they faced as a critical emergency. As the impact of the epidemic has deepened and broadened, however, new evidence has been gathered that suggests these broad generalizations about the impact of HIV/AIDS must be supported with credible evidence and qualified in particular circumstances.
    The slow evolution of the impact of HIV/AIDS does disguise the immediate general affects, but the cumulative affects registered over several years or one or two decades is already producing, and will continue to produce significant changes across society. The need for a degree of caution in assessing the impact of HIV/AIDS on households and communities is because other factors are at work at the same time. Dramatic economic changes in sub-Saharan Africa over the past several decades, for example, have left some households more exposed to the impact of HIV/AIDS than others. Households and communities already suffering conditions of poverty are, usually, most harmed by the loss of adult members to illnesses, including HIV/AIDS.
  • Female and elderly-headed households are likewise least able to cope with the economic, labour and social losses arising from HIV/AIDS. Thus, if we want to know whether households are coping with the impact of HIV/AIDS, we need to include the wider socioeconomic context in the analysis and identify who is affected, and within that group, who is most affected. Differentiation of data by gender, age, and socioeconomic status is critical. Another parallel change to the prevailing poverty in many societies, more directly associated with structural adjustment-induced reforms, is the greater cost and difficulty in accessing basic social services, including education and health care by many families. Again, these costs have been most deeply felt by lower income groups.
  • The additional costs arising from medical care for people with HIV/ AIDS and related illnesses can readily deplete household savings and assets. Eco- nomically stressed families may withdraw girls and boys from school to reduce expenses, assist in the care of ill relatives and free up an adult (usually a woman) to seek work. Households with more assets, more adults able to contribute their labour for productive activities or care, and greater wealth are usually better able to absorb the expenses of treating HIV/AIDS and related illnesses and the loss of one or more family members.
  • Three broad statements do seem reasonable at this stage in the pandemic:
    1. The presence of HIV/AIDS in a household quickly results in depletion of household income earning capacity and of household savings and assets. Many households quickly move into conditions characterized by poverty: very little income or wealth, debt, reduced access to services, and fewer than ever options for attaining socioeconomic security. Women and girls, in particular, are likely to be most affected.
    2. HIV/AIDS exacerbates and is exacerbated by prevailing economic conditions.
    HIV/AIDS is not a stand-alone condition, but exists within a wider socioeconomic context that deepens the vulnerability of households, communities and nations.
    3. The economic costs of HIV/AIDS, the stigma surrounding the disease that leads to discrimination and withdrawal, and the ability to access social services combine to expand socioeconomic inequalities in society. HIV/AIDS is not only killing people, it is further dividing national societies.
  • Source: UN Population Division, World Population Prospects: 2001 Revision
  • II. The Social Impact of HIV/AIDS

  • Demographic Changes and Households
  • Morbidity and mortality due to HIV/AIDS and related illnesses is concentrated among adults between the ages of 25 and 50. People in this age group are often described as at the prime of their productive years, working and raising families. Illness and death of adult members of a household reduces the ability of households to provide for themselves. Dependency ratios increase, as fewer adults care for children and the elderly. Increasingly, older members of extended families assume a greater role in caring for and supporting remaining family members. As important as an adult death is whether that person was a woman or a man. The loss of a male adult can leave the remaining women and children with fewer economic opportunities and less control over productive assets, including equipment and land. The loss of a female may result in increased malnutrition and generally less care for the children. Especially in high prevalence countries, the impact of HIV/AIDS on mortality, life expectancy, and household structures is increasingly evident. Changes that are occurring include:
  • • Increases in mortality are particularly noticeable among young children and people 20 to 50 years of age. In South Africa, HIV/AIDS accounted for 40 per cent of all adult deaths in 2000-2001, an increase from ten per cent in 1995-1996. In eastern and southern Africa, female mortality due to HIV/AIDS tends to occur five to ten years earlier than for men because women are generally infected at earlier ages.
    • Declines in life expectancy follow as adults die at younger ages than would have been the case without HIV/AIDS. Figure 1 illustrates changes (and projected changes) in life expectancy for four countries in southern Africa over a three-decade period.
  • Source: UN Population Division, World Population Prospects: 2001 Revision
  • The Burden of Care
  • Women and girls tend to provide most of the care for sick individuals, but men do play an important (albeit less full) role, especially in the care of other men. Also, the differences in the time spent on care between women and men may not be as great as sometimes assumed, although the evidence is incomplete. A survey of households affected by HIV/AIDS in several provinces of South Africa found that in more than two thirds of household’s women or girls were the primary caregivers. Almost a quarter of caregivers (23 per cent) were over the age of 60 and just under three quarters of these were women. Similar findings were seen in Zimbabwe. There, most people caring for children orphaned by HIV/AIDS were over 50 years of age. Of those, over 70 per cent were 60 years or older.
  • The stress of care giving was clear. Caregivers report regular concerns about adequate food and clothing, the high cost of medical fees, and inability to pay school fees for orphans. Indeed, the health of the older caregivers had deteriorated as a result of the physical and emotional stress of assisting the children. The burden of care on households is significant. A study of urban and rural households in the South African Free State Province found that caregivers devoted four hours a day to caring for sick relatives, including additional time to accompany a sick relative to a health facility. Interestingly, for most caregivers, the assistance they provided came on top of regular work. When a person became terminally ill, the time devoted to care nearly doubled, to 7.5 hours per day. A household survey in Côte d’Ivoire found no respondents with AIDS hospitalized over the four months of the last survey round, indicating that care was provided at home.
  • Further, urban-based relatives often return to a rural home when they become too sick to work or care for themselves, thereby shifting primary care giving to family members. On the other hand, some rural-based civil servants apply for transfers to urban posts when they become ill, so as to be closer to medical facilities. Care giving involves opportunity costs. In South Africa, 40 per cent of caregivers took time off from work or income generating activities. Children took time off from school or studying to provide care. Food production and household chores all suffered in lieu of care giving in 60 per cent of affected households.
  • Source: UN Population Division, World Population Prospects: 2001 Revision
    Orphaned Children
    As young and middle-aged adults die of HIV/AIDS, hundreds of thousands of children are orphaned. The growing number of orphaned children is most evident in southern and eastern Africa but such girls and boys can be found wherever HIV/AIDS is present. In sub-Saharan Africa, an estimated eleven million children had lost their mothers or both parents as of 2001; the number was expected to climb to 20 million by 2010. Although children are orphaned for a number of reasons, by 2010 in Zambia, Swaziland, and Namibia, 75 per cent of all orphans will be due to AIDS. Though the absolute numbers are important, perhaps more important is the speed at which the numbers are increasing, indicating the mushrooming pressures on households, communities, government services, and civil society to address the needs of orphaned children. Local community leaders regularly report that their groups are overwhelmed by the number of orphaned children they find and who need various forms of assistance.

  • In addition to the daily care of people ill with HIV/AIDS or related illnesses, the care of children while a parent is dying and after the death is a major burden for immediate and extended families. Increasingly, one hears that the extended family system is overwhelmed by the magnitude of the burden of caring for so many orphaned children. The changes in living arrangements, well-being and opportunities for a secure future for children is one of the most significant long-term outcomes of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Although HIV/AIDS is but one cause of orphan hood, it plays an ever increasing role in removing parents from their children. A sizeable portion of children in southern and eastern Africa are orphans. For example, one study found that almost a quarter (22 per cent) of all children under the age of fifteen in the South Africa sample were maternal orphans in that they had lost either their mother or both parents. The greater number of these orphans are girls. Children experience the stresses of parental illness. They may be withdrawn from school to reduce expenses as medical costs rise or to assist in the care of the sick relative. The emotional upheaval of seeing a dying parent may leave children feeling abandoned and increase their susceptibility to sexual abuse.

  • A study in South Africa found that illness or death had resulted in twelve per cent of households sending children away to live elsewhere. Some children are encouraged by parents or foster parents to work to supplement household incomes. Others work out of economic necessity. An already bad situation is then exacerbated by the fact that many of these children wind up in the worst forms of child labour. Most working orphans surveyed in a study in Tanzania complained of a whole complex of problems, among them going without food, forced initiation to commercial sex work, and failure to receive wages. Recent ILO-sponsored surveys in Tanzania, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe confirmed the linkage between HIV/AIDS orphan hood and a likelihood that a child would work, frequently outside of the household and in conditions that are sexually and economically exploitative and prone to harassment or violence. Orphaned children in Zambia have been found to be twice as likely to be working as non-orphaned children.
    At home, once a household member became ill the children’s participation in domestic and farm work increased, often interfering with schooling, and is detrimental to health. AIDS orphans were also found to shoulder a big portion of the household and farm chores in foster homes. Although most children are cared for within some family arrangement, there are a significant and growing number who have lost both parents and live in child-headed households without an adult presence. It is estimated that nearly seven per cent of Zambia’s nearly two million households are without any adult member, and are headed by a boy or a girl aged fourteen or younger. Surveys found between two and four per cent of children in Gweru, Zimbabwe, lived in child-headed households. A similar survey in Tanzania found that over nine percent of children lived on their own, essentially heading a household—at least where a house and living arrangements actually existed. While they represent only a small proportion of all households, child-headed households and children living on the street without any adult supervision present an especially important challenge for policy-makers, programme planners, and service agencies alike.

  • The existence of children living on their own is a new phenomenon in Africa and is a manifestation of social disruption and social inequalities associated with HIV/AIDS. Child-headed households exist because no relatives are left to care for the children, or else the surviving relatives are already too burdened to adequately care for the children they have inherited. Many children who become household heads have little option but to seek work to support themselves and their siblings. Stories exist of older children earning the cash to keep younger siblings in school; however, continued schooling for any of the children in these households is problematic.
    Orphaned children, including children in households with a parent ill with HIV/ AIDS or related illness, may find their education cut short and future economic opportunities compromised. Children from families where one or more adults are HIV-infected are more likely than children in non-affected households to be withdrawn from school because families cannot afford the school costs, need the children to help supplement household income, or need them to help care for sick relatives. These trends are especially evident in countries with high HIV/ AIDS rates and where school fees and costs are relatively high for low income groups. In Zambia, rural orphaned children have a 20 per cent higher rate of non-school attendance than non-orphaned children. In western Kenya, 20 per cent of households with orphaned children report having no children in school, primarily because of lack of money. Girls, more often than boys, are withdrawn from school or have entry postponed.
    Changes in Extended Family Systems
    One of the major issues arising from the impact of HIV/AIDS on households is the ability and willingness of extended family members to assist in the care of remaining family members, especially children who have been orphaned. As noted earlier, a prevailing assumption in many national HIV/AIDS policies is that “traditional” family structures could and will cope with the pressures caused by the epidemic. A growing number of field studies bring that assumption into doubt. Particularly in light of major social and economic changes of the past several decades (and stretching back well into the colonial era), what is often referred to as the “extended family” takes numerous forms across Africa and offers numerous variations on coping with the impact of HIV/AIDS.
    At the most simplistic, family members who have settled for two or three decades (or more) in urban centers may have weak links with their wider family. Social networks may actually have become stronger than family membership for some people. Families which have little contact with their extended family have greater likelihood of orphans being abandoned should the current caregiver die. While it is not an either/or situation (i.e., extended families are coping or they are not), it does appear that HIV/AIDS is inducing new pressures on many families that increasingly find it difficult to cope .A good portion of the burden of support for affected families and family members falls to older adults.
    A study in rural Zimbabwe found that grandmothers were the primary caregiver for orphaned children or children left behind when one or both parents went to look for work (or land) elsewhere. Another study in Zimbabwe found that half of all foster parents for orphaned children were grandparents and that over 60 per cent of fostering households were headed by women. A study in KwaZulu-Natal Province of South Africa found that 57 per cent of households caring for orphaned children were headed by women who, on average, were 59 years old—i.e. likely to be grandmothers. Yet a fourth study, from rural southern Zambia, found that nearly 70 per cent of all households caring for orphaned children were headed either by a woman or an elderly person. In other cases, relatives with jobs are expected to play a larger role in direct support for extended family members (such as fostering a child) or indirect support (providing money for medical expenses or school fees). It is not unusual in eastern and southern Africa to find salaried workers supporting two, three or more extended family members with their earnings.
    The Dissolution of Households
  • Under the impact of HIV/AIDS it appears that a significant number of households cease to exist, especially if the deceased is a woman. A widowed woman may return to her home community and some of the children are dispersed to other relatives. If both parents die, the children are likely to live with other relatives or, as noted, care for themselves. In a study covering both rural and urban areas of Zimbabwe, 65 per cent of the households where the deceased adult female used to live before her death were reported to be no longer in existence. Other studies have found that deceased wives are more likely to be replaced – the widowed man remarries. However, the children from the previous marriage may still be sent away, and so remarriage does not necessarily mean that the members of the original household stay together.
    Either migration or dissolution seems to follow the death of a HIV-infected responsible adult in a family, according to a study in rural KwaZulu-Natal Province, South Africa. There, households where an adult member has died of HIV/AIDS or related causes were nearly three times more likely to have dissolved by the end of the year than other households. Another aspect of household change is that where a married woman may leave her husband to care for a parent or for siblings who have been orphaned.
    Source: Children on the Brink 2002

  • The Impact of HIV/AIDS on Women and Girls
  • Women and girls face an inordinate burden in the era of HIV/AIDS. Not only are girls and young women at greater risk of HIV/AIDS than their male counterparts, the impact of household illnesses and deaths causes greater sacrifices by females. This is not to minimize the impact of HIV/AIDS on boys and men, but economic, social and cultural patterns places males in more favourable positions to cope with the impact. Existing gender inequalities intensify along with the pandemic. Gender inequalities are likely to be intensified by the presence of HIV/AIDS. Women may have to give up jobs and income earning to care for sick spouse or relative. The burden of care giving falls primarily on women, and that burden carries over into dealing with the possible loss of assets to relatives upon the death of a husband. Girls tend to be withdrawn from school earlier than or rather than boys, to assist with care giving, household chores and family income support.
  • There are widespread anecdotal reports of men seeking ever younger girls for sexual purposes, including under twelve years of age, on the assumption that the girls are not HIV-infected or that the man will be cured of his infection. Girls in households affected by HIV/AIDS are twice as likely as boys to have dropped out of school, because families could not pay the school fees or needed the children for household help. In addition, girls and women are subject to sexual exploitation and abuse. A study in Kenya found that the most important reason for high infection rates among girls is the frequency of sexual intercourse with older men. “Sugar daddies”, as they are known around the world, seduce naïve and impressionable girls with offers of cash, consumer goods, and supposed status. In the war-like conditions of Burundi, the threat of forced sex is a weapon used by men against women and girls. In turn, women and girls may agree to sexual relationships in exchange for some level of physical and material security. Household violence toward women and girls is increasingly being documented and linked to HIV/AIDS transmission. Girls who have been orphaned by HIV/ AIDS and who lack strong family support and peer networks may become vulnerable to further sexual harassment and exploitation. Lack of appropriate legal mechanisms to address such abuse creates conditions where this can continue. A report from Botswana argues that amongst children aged five to fifteen, sexual abuse by older males may well account for the majority of, if not all new HIV/ AIDS infections. This is partly a reason for the major disparities in HIV/AIDS infection rates between adolescent girls and boys. For example, in major urban areas of eastern and southern Africa, epidemiological studies have shown that seventeen to 22 Per cent of girls aged fifteen to nineteen are already HIV infected compared with three to seven per cent of boys of similar age. In addition to possibly becoming the head of a household, women face other burdens. A study in the early 1990s in areas of Uganda highly affected by HIV/AIDS noted the following potential situations faced by widows. The scenarios can be applied to many societies. Women may experience: The loss of land and perhaps the right to use the land, the loss of their property to the husband’s family, unless the husband has left a will.
  • Women often do not inherit property when their husbands die; being brought into a relationship with the late husband’s brother or other male relative otherwise they may be forced to return to their maternal home, assuming sole responsibility for the children, with limited outside support; and a significant loss of cash income, the loss of access to support services that traditional go to men, such as agricultural services and the loss of farm production knowledge for work done by men; and an increased workload as they struggle to meet basic needs. The report further notes that HIV/AIDS contributes to a dramatic rise of female headed households and that many of these women are younger, with young children, than previously has been the case of female-headed households. Most female-headed households tend to be among the poorest in communities across Africa.Again, HIV/AIDS is intensifying, if not deepening, the gender inequities of society. In western Kenya, a study found that some households cope with the loss of an adult member by encouraging the marriage of a teenage daughter in order to gain the financial assets (i.e., cattle or other livestock) of a dowry. The same study noted that in households in which a female spouse had died, children were likely to be sent to live with relatives or in other households. In contrast, the death of a non-spouse female adult is associated with an increase in the number of boys in the household. This is most likely to help out with household activities formerly handled by the now-deceased female adult. This indicates, as might be expected, that the effects of adult death do not depend only on the age and gender of the deceased, but also the position of the individual in the household.
    Source: Children on the Brink 2002
    The Economic Impact and Consequences of HIV/ AIDS on Households and Communities
  • HIV/AIDS is costly to most households and communities. During periods of illness, medical costs rise, work and incomes are disrupted, family members are drawn away from work to provide care and in some instances children have to work to supplement household incomes. After death, funerals can be costly, sometimes more than the amount previously spent on medical care. The loss of an adult undermines a family’s income generating abilities, adding to the work burden of surviving family members, including children. AIDS-affected families may experience rapid transition from relative wealth to relative poverty. For poorer and rural households, the ability to cope with external shocks, such as drought or increases in the prices of staple products, will be reduced further. What stands out from numerous studies over the past decade is how HIV/AIDS induces impoverishment of many (but not all, and how many in a particular community or region is unclear) affected households. Income is lost and assets are sold or rented in order to get cash. Widespread disinvestment of assets appears to be occurring as households spend their savings and wealth to cope with HIV/AIDS.

  • C. Consequences on Communities and Society.
    The economic and social consequences of the disease directly affect the rural family. In the absence of functioning medical care systems in African countries, medical costs and caring for sick family members must be borne entirely by the nuclear family or by the extended family network. In addition to the medical costs, which include the cost of drugs and traditional medical treatment, funeral expenses of family members are a heavy burden on the family budget. Funeral costs appear to be even higher than medical expenses in some settings. Farmers have developed mechanisms to cope with the impacts of HIV/AIDS on their rural livelihood strategies. Traditionally, in emergency situations caused by natural disasters and in hardship situations, the extended family network has developed successful coping mechanisms, which are still operational in pre-impact and early impact communities. However, the rise of HIV/AIDS related morbidity and mortality in full-impact communities, where the impact of the disease already leads to the breakdown of the nuclear families; the traditional coping mechanisms are strained to the breaking point.

  • Traditional coping mechanisms are based mainly on returns to labour at the farm and/or family unit. Even the contribution of child labour may be increased (with children, particularly girls, withdrawn from school) as the family struggles to maintain the current cropping patterns. But, as a family becomes more impoverished, it may have little choice but to produce for its own consumption needs. Even then, family nutrition levels could be gradually compromised. It is not uncommon in full-impact districts/communities to observe entire families of children with elderly grandparents as their only form of support. Since HIV/AIDS is above all a sexually transmitted disease, very often more than one family member is affected and dies. As a result, the entire assets and savings of many families, which are generally meager before the onset of the disease, may be completely spent, leaving the surviving family members without means of support. A study in Uganda has shown that the burden of the socio-economic impact of HIV/AIDS is disproportionately affecting rural women. In the districts studied, more households were found to be headed by AIDS widows than by AIDS widowers.
  • Widows with dependent children became entrenched in poverty as a result of the socio-economic pressures related to HIV/AIDS. Widows lost access to land, labour, inputs, credit and support services. HIV/AIDS stigmatization compounded their situation further, as assistance from the extended family and the community, their main safety net, was severed. The extent to which malnutrition rates in affected households rises depends on the type of coping mechanisms, household resource constraints, socio-cultural context and emotional stress. As the ability to produce and accumulate food and income decreases, the household falls into a downward spiral of increasing dependency ratios, poorer nutrition and health, increasing expenditure of resources (time and money) on health problems, more food shortages, decreasing household viability, and increasing reliance on support from extended family and the wider community. The effects of HIV/AIDS on rural households, and the likely impact of the disease on farmers' health and the nutrition of farm families, is depicted in Table 1. The complexity of the impact of the disease on agricultural production and household food security requires a multispectral response that should include agricultural extension, primary health care, education and appropriate non-governmental organizations (NGOs).
    Source: Food and Agriculture Organisation
  • Since its independence in 1964, Zambia has struggled to rise above the combined challenges of a colonial legacy, the plummeting of copper prices, national debt, and uneven national leadership. Added to these is the erosive influence of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, which is among the most advanced and devastating AIDS epidemics in the world today. The effects of HIV/AIDS are felt at every level and in every sector of Zambian society reversing development gains realized after independence. The most productive segment of society needed for economic growth has been decimated.
    The number of AIDS orphans has reached staggering numbers, seriously straining the abilities of the traditionally strong extended family network. The disease itself overwhelms key public sectors with high losses in skilled personnel. The public health care system is unable to care for the sick, overburdening the cadre of community workers physically and psychologically. The education system cannot adequately staff schools because of loss of personnel and financial shortages while children (especially girls) are unable to continue education either because they have to care for sick relatives, or because their families no longer have funds to meet school fees and related education costs.
    The pandemic has also greatly impacted Zambian NGOs. Because of surging demand for public health services in the past decade, Zambian organizations have been over-stretched. This challenge has been compounded by chronic shortages in skilled key personnel. The increasing interest of the international donor community in supporting HIV/AIDS work has created an unanticipated growth at a pace and scale that outstrips NGOs' managerial capacity. Effective linkages among the proliferation of Zambian NGOs and networks working in HIV/AIDS is needed to ensure learning and sharing of best practices. Such linkages will also enable NGOs to improve their capacity to be effective in employing multispectral or trans-sectoral responses to HIV/AIDS and increase their capacity for stewardship of HIV/AIDS resources.
    Source: Zambian HIV/AIDS Learning Initiative (ZHLI)

  • Your charitable donations sponsor orphan children at CHILDHOPE-ZAMBIA. Volunteers are most welcome with their donation of time and skills. CHILDHOPE currently supports 3,600 children in Mazabuka, Monze and Choma districts of Southern Province in Zambia. Most children are AIDS orphans/ victims that lost their parent(s) from the AIDS epidemic. Our mission is to serve all their essential needs in a parental capacity. We’re a growing global family to the children and humbly invite you to join us in this labor of love for the children in the rural areas who do not have the basic necessities to thrive.
  • Solutions for the HIV/AIDAS Orphaned children and AIDS crises
    The number of children orphaned by HIV/AIDS in the developing world has reached crisis proportions. In Sub-Saharan Africa, HIV/AIDS has exacerbated poverty in many communities and has weakened the capacity of many countries to care for their orphaned children. The present article discusses orphanage care and its alternatives in Sub-Saharan Africa. The physical and mental health effects of parental loss are discussed and the psychosocial impacts of institutional care are reviewed. Foster care is discussed as a potential long-term strategy to help communities cope with the rising numbers of HIV/AIDS orphans. The importance of community-based care is highlighted.
    The global burden of HIV/AIDS has reached crisis proportions. With 34 to 36 million people estimated to be living with the disease, HIV/AIDS has shaken the already weak economic and social infrastructures of many developing countries. While the majority of infections occur in young adults, children have been affected in numerous ways. Almost three million children younger than 15 years of age are estimated to be HIV-positive, with the vast majority of infections occurring in developing nations. As home to 10% of the world’s population but 70% of HIV infections, Sub-Saharan Africa carries the largest disease burden. Thirteen million children younger than 15 years of age have lost one or both parents to AIDS, with the number expected to rise to 25 million by 2010. In several African countries, 15% of children are expected to be orphaned by the end of this decade. While parental mortality and the associated orphaning of children are not new issues in developing nations, HIV/AIDS has greatly exacerbated the situation. Because disease transmission is primarily through heterosexual intercourse, when one parent dies of HIV/AIDS, there is a high likelihood that the second parent will die as well, creating a large number of so-called ‘double orphans’. In North America, mother-to-child vertical transmission rates of HIV are as low as 1% with appropriate prenatal care and use of antiretroviral agents. However, in the absence of such care in developing nations, estimates of vertical transmission during pregnancy, delivery and breastfeeding range from 14% to greater than 40%.
  • Studies in Uganda have shown that the administration of a single dose of an antiretroviral agent before delivery is effective in substantially reducing vertical transmission rates. However, in the absence of ongoing antiretroviral therapy for the parents, this strategy only serves to increase the number of orphaned children without altering the parents’ disease course. Furthermore, because HIV/AIDS predominantly affects the young adults who would otherwise comprise the working population, the pandemic is deepening poverty in entire communities and weakening the societies’ traditional means of caring for orphans. Given the lag time between HIV infection and death from AIDS, the number of children orphaned will continue to rise, calling for public health strategies that are long term in their scope and funding.
    Recognizing the need to support the growing orphan population, many nongovernmental and faith-based organizations have founded orphanages to provide care for children. These orphanages are well-intentioned, but their establishment is based more on western customs than on a thoughtful consideration of their costs and benefits. The potential adverse effects of orphanage care in Africa have not been widely discussed, both because many orphanages already receive significant financial support from international donors and because there are often few other care alternatives. However, given the large number of orphaned children, it is important to consider whether current care strategies are maximizing the physical and mental well-being of as many children as possible.
    Potential strategies should be cost-effective, long term in scope, culturally appropriate and reliant on resources already available in communities as much as possible. Institutional care, given its high reliance on external resources, significant costs, and psychosocial and physical health consequences, requires scrutiny, especially now, when effective orphan care programs are so desperately needed. There are now 40 million people living with HIV/AIDS in the world, out of whom29.4 million are living in Africa. The highest levels of HIV/AIDS are found in southern Africa, with prevalence rates exceeding 30 percent among the adult population in Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland and Zimbabwe (UNAIDS/WHO, 2002).
    There is an increase in the number of children in sub-Saharan countries who are affected by HIV/AIDS. Among the more than 34 million orphaned children in Africa, 11 million became orphans as a result of AIDS. From 1990 to 2010, the number of orphans in sub-Saharan Africa who have lost both parents will triple because of AIDS (UNAIDS/UNICEF/USAID, 2002). It is estimated that, by 2010, 5.8 percent of all children in the region will have been orphaned by AIDS. In the most affected 12 African countries, orphans in general will represent at leas15 percent of all children under 15 years of age by 2015. Figure 1 summarizes the increase in number of AIDS and non-AIDS orphans.
    “The huge investment in tackling HIV and AIDS during past years is finally paying off. Today in sub-Saharan Africa, fewer children are born with HIV, fewer children lose their parents to AIDS and more young people know how to protect themselves and their partners. Millions of lives have been saved and many families and communities have been kept intact”, said Elhadj As Sy, the UNICEF Regional Director for Eastern and Southern Africa. “It is critical that we safeguard these gains and meet the commitments we have made to reach all children.”
    Against the background of reduced funding for HIV/AIDS activities, Mr. Sy appealed to partners and decision makers to sustain their contributions and make sure that all children, particularly the poorest and most marginalized, have access to HIV/AIDS prevention, treatment and care. According to the 2011 Universal Access report, 90 per cent of new infections among children still occur in sub-Saharan Africa. The total number of 390,000 newly infected children in 2010 on the continent, however, represents a reduction by 30 per cent compared to the peak of 560,000 new infections in 2002-2003. This has been the result of a massive roll-out of services to prevent the transmission of the virus from mothers to their children.
    Despite the progress, children continue to lag behind adults when it comes to accessing critical services, including treatment. Between 2009 and 2010, the estimated number of children with HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa who received antiretroviral therapy (ART) rose from 296,000 to 387,500. However, they represent only a quarter of children in need compared to roughly half of eligible adults receiving this life-saving treatment. Recent survey data from sub-Saharan Africa also showed that only 15 per cent of young women and ten per cent of young men aged 15 to 24 years have been tested and know their HIV status. Many adolescents and young adults are diagnosed too late to fully benefit from treatment.
    “Preventing new infections, especially among young women, must remain a critical part of our response”, said Mr. Sy. “Two thirds of young people between 15 and 24 years of age living with the virus are female. Unless we tackle the gender dimension of the HIV/AIDS crisis, we will fail to meet our goal of reducing by half the number of new infections among young people by 2015. We have to comply with our commitment to create an AIDS- free generation.”UNICEF believes that funding for HIV must be regarded as an investment in the future rather than a cost that can be cut.
  • Current annual global charity/NGOs meet less than half of required donations
    World Orphanage Statistics

    It is estimated there are between 143 million and 210 million orphans worldwide (recent UNICEF report.)
    The current population of the United States is just a little over 300 million… to give you an idea of the enormity of the numbers… (The current population of Russia is 141 million)
    Every day 5,760 more children become orphans
    2,102,400 more children become orphans every year in Africa alone
    Every 15 seconds, another child in Africa becomes an AIDS orphan
    There are an estimated 14 million AIDS orphans in Sub-Saharan Africa (a number higher than the total of every under-eighteen year old in Canada, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Ireland combined)
    This figure is estimated to reach 18 million orphans in Africa alone by 2010 (only two and a half years away)
    8 out of 10 children orphaned by AIDS lives in sub-Saharan Africa
    Approximately 250,000 children are adopted annually, but…
    Each year 14, 505, 000 children grow up as orphans and age out of the system by age sixteen
    Each day 38,493 orphans age out
    Every 2.2 seconds another orphan ages out with no family to belong to and no place to call home
    In Russia and the Ukraine, studies have shown that 10% – 15% of these children commit suicide before they reach age eighteen
    These studies also show that 60% of the girls become prostitutes and 70%of the boys become hardened criminals
    Another Russian study reported that of the 15,000 orphans aging out of state-run institutions every year, 10% committed suicide, 5,000 were unemployed, 6,000 were homeless and 3,000 were in prison within three years…
    LISBON, Dec 13, 2006 (IPS) - War, AIDS, malaria, cholera and famine have gradually turned Africa into a continent full of orphaned children and teenagers.
  • According to the latest statistics released by the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), there are 48.3 million orphans south of the Sahara desert, one-quarter of whom have lost their parents to AIDS.
  • Between 1990 and 2000, the number of orphans in Africa rose from 30.9 million to 41.5 million, and those orphaned by AIDS increased from 330,000 to seven million.
  • Projections by the two U.N. agencies suggest that by 2010, there will be 53.1 million children under 18 bereft of their parents, 15.7 million of whom will have had parents who died of AIDS, caused by the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV).
  • In response to these stark figures, Portuguese authorities have indicated that their country maintains strong historic links with Africa, and Interior Minister Antonio Santos da Costa has called on the Portuguese Refugee Council (CPR) to create a reception centre exclusively for African children arriving in Portugal unaccompanied by an adult.
  • The minister's challenge was immediately taken up by CPR's chairwoman, Maria Teresa Tito de Morais, in spite of the fact that because of a lack of funds, "few unaccompanied children have arrived in Portugal" so far, as she explained to IPS.
  • The spine-chilling statistics on African orphans estimate that there are 170,000 orphaned children in Mauritania, 710,000 in Mali, 800,000 in Niger, 600,000 in Chad, 1.7 million in Sudan, 280,000 in Eritrea, 48,000 in Djibouti, 4.8 million in Ethiopia, 630,000 in Somalia, 560,000 in Senegal, 710,000 in Burkina Faso, 370,000 in Benin, 64,000 in The Gambia, 100,000 in Guinea-Bissau and 370,000 in Guinea.
  • Nigeria has 8.6 million orphans, Ivory Coast 1.4 million, Liberia 250,000, Sierra Leone and the Central African Republic 340,000 each, Ghana and Cameroon one million each, Equatorial Guinea 29,000, Gabon 65,000, the Republic of the Congo 270,000, the Democratic Republic of Congo (formerly Zaire) 4.2 million, Rwanda 820,000 and Burundi 600,000.
    Uganda and Kenya are home to 2.3 million orphans each, Tanzania to 2.4 million, Angola and Zambia 1.2 million each, the Comoros 33,000, Malawi 950,000, Namibia 140,000, Botswana 150,000, Zimbabwe 1.4 million, Mozambique 1.5 million, Madagascar 900,000, Lesotho 150,000, and Swaziland and South Africa 2.5 million each.
    Charity and Foundations statistics in the USA

    A widely-held perception is that corporations and foundations are the biggest sources to tap for grants and donations. The reality is that four out of five or 80 percent of philanthropic dollars are contributed by individuals and bequests. That rises to 87 percent if you include family foundation giving. Corporations and foundations are easier to target. Their contribution of 5 percent and 14 percent respectively was 19 percent of the total philanthropic dollars in 2010. Individuals are more of a challenge to reach and solicit, but are by far the largest philanthropic resource. Fundraising strategies for parks need to consider all sources and how best to connect park needs with all potential donor sources and their motivations for giving. According to Giving USA, a report compiled annually by the American Association of Fundraising Counsel, figures on American philanthropy in 2010 showed that:
    • Americans gave more than $290.89 billion to their favorite causes despite the economic conditions. Total giving, when adjusted for inflation, was up 3.8 percent in 2010. This slight increase is reflective of recovering economic confidence.
    • The greatest portion of charitable giving, $211.77 billion, was given by individuals or household donors. Gifts from individuals represented 73 percent of all contributed dollars, a slight increase from 2009 figures.
    • Charitable bequests, which are made by individuals, totaled $22.83 billion or 8 percent of total giving. Charitable bequests rose an estimated 18.8 percent. The sum of gifts by individuals and charitable bequests is $234.6 billion or 81 percent of total giving.
    • Foundations gave $41 billion, accounting for 13 percent of all philanthropy in the USA.
    • Individual, bequest and estimated family foundation giving combined were approximately $254.10 billion or 87 percent of total giving.
    • Corporate giving, which is tied to corporate profits, rose an estimated 10.6 percent to $15.29 billion. This reflects an increase in corporate in-kind donations. Corporate giving accounted for 5 percent of all charitable giving. (Corporations do invest additional advertising dollars in cause-related marketing as a business expense.)

  • 2010 Contributions By Source of Contribution

    Individuals $211.77 billion
    Foundations $41 billion
    Bequests $22.83 billion
    Corporations $15.29 billion

    • People give to support what they value and believe in. The giving percentages are relatively constant year to year with minor shifts. We need to think creatively how to tap into as many giving categories that can be related to our parks and programs.
    • Giving USA reported that 60 percent of public charities saw decreases in 2010. The exceptions were religion, human services, environment and animal organizations and giving to individuals where giving remained stable.
    • Giving to arts, culture, and humanities organizations was hit particularly hard by the recession. Giving in 2010 to these causes, including historical and cultural preservation, totaled $13.28 billion and accounted for 5 percent of all contributions. In 2009 more than $12.34 billion was donated to arts, culture and humanities organizations and accounted for 4 percent of all contributions. Giving to environment/conservation and animal related causes totaled 2 percent. Both are a relatively small percentages of total giving.
    • Think how you can also relate park needs and giving opportunities to the larger giving categories on the Contributions by Charitable Cause pie chart, such as education, human services, health and religion. Parks can support fitness initiatives, youth employment and education programs. In several instances, funds have been raised to restore historic churches in parks.
    • By 2050, an estimated $41 trillion will transfer from one generation to the next, with gifts to nonprofit organizations projected to exceed $6 trillion.
    Source: Giving USA 2010
    2010 Contributions By Type of Recipient Organization

    Religion $100.63 billion
    Education $41.67 billion
    Gifts to Foundations* $33 billion
    Human Services $26.49 billion
    Public-Society Benefit $24.24 billion
    Health $22.83 billion
    International Affairs $15.77 billion
    Arts, Culture & Humanities $13.28 billion
    Environment & Animals $6.66 billion
    Foundation Grants to Individuals $4.20 billion
    Unallocated $2.12 billion

    *Estimate developed jointly by Foundation Center and Giving USA
    Giving USA also surveyed charitable organizations to find out how gifts changed from the previous year.
    Among the report findings:
    • Faith-based charities, including churches, received the most charitable gifts in 2010, capturing $100.63 billion – 35 percent of total contributions in 2010. Religious groups received more than a third of all contributions in the U.S. Faith-based donations increased 0.8 percent from the previous year.
    • Charitable giving to colleges, universities and educational organizations accounted for the second largest share of all charitable giving at 14 percent. Educational institutions and organizations received $41.67 billion in gifts. Charitable giving to the education subsector increased by an estimated 5.2 percent in 2010. This follows a drop of 5.6 percent in 2009.
    • Giving to foundations rose slightly in 2010 by an estimated 1.9 percent. The estimate for giving to foundations includes gifts made to independent, community and operating foundations.
    • Social or human service charities raised $27.08 billion in 2009. Giving to social service charities in 2009 increased 2.3 percent following a drop of 5.9 percent in 2008.
    • Increased concerns over global warming and the impact the environment has on health motivated donors to give $6.66 billion to environmental and animal-welfare issues. This is a slight drop from 2009. People are beginning to connect the environment to health-related issues. This has helped garner support and draw new donors for environmental causes. Giving for these organizations was 2 percent of the total estimated giving for 2010.
    • Contributions to public society benefit organizations - nonprofit organizations, such as the United Way or Jewish Federation, who collect funds for distribution to a number of other agencies - received $24.24 billion in donations. This reflects a 6.2 percent increase from 2009.
    • Overall giving to health-related organizations such as hospitals and other health charities, that raise money for research, public awareness and fighting diseases increased to $22.83 billion, a modest increase of 1.3 percent in 2010.
    • Arts, cultural and humanities giving rose by 5.7 percent with more than $13.28 billion being raised for arts, culture and the humanities in 2010. Gifts to arts, culture and humanities organizations were 5 percent total of estimated giving in 2010, a slightly larger share than the 4 percent received in 2009.
    • International affairs organizations received $15.77 billion in 2010, an increase of 15.3 percent compared to 2009. International affairs giving is 5 percent of total estimated giving.
    • In 2010gifts to foundations totaled $31 billion, a decrease of11 percent. Gifts to foundations are 10 percent of total estimated giving. This share was a small decline from 12 percent in 2009.
    Charities were able to raise awareness and ultimately contributions by implementing new development strategies that include:
    • Build a more compelling case for giving in light of a more competitive fundraising environment. Charities built strong messages around the consequences of not supporting their cause, such as highlighting the loss of education or art programs, the closing of a center, or reductions in services.
    • Improve communications with donors through quarterly newsletters and regular email announcements.
    • Partner with other organizations to raise visibility and gain a broader audience.
    • Improve efforts in getting small annual gifts from members and acknowledging donor gifts within one or two days.
    • Increase advocacy work and draw attention to a need or crisis.
    • Shift priorities from fundraising for specific groups to fundraising for specific problems or needs.
    In Charitable Giving to Education, Health and Arts: An Analysis of Data Collected in the Center on Philanthropy Panel Study, 2003, the Center of Philanthropy at Indiana University concluded that beyond income and wealth, the most important indicator of a household's propensity to donate is philanthropic activity for other causes.
    "The most important implication for fundraising professionals is that donors who either give or volunteer for one cause may extend their generosity to other causes," according to Campbell & Company who prepared the report. "These donors remain important sources of philanthropic potential for organizations..."
    In light of this and increased giving in other sectors, park support organizations should relate park needs in donors' minds in other giving categories beyond environmental. Consider partnering with education, health and other charitable organizations to broaden the audience/potential donor base, diversify income sources and obtain additional funding through private foundations, government agencies and other income. Park support organizations can connect park needs with other charitable causes through a number ways ranging from education initiatives to youth and health programs.
    Non Cash Contributions
    The recently published IRS Spring 2010 Statistics of Income Bulletin provides insight into noncash giving by donation type, donor age and income for tax year 2007. More than 6.9 million tax returns reported $52.8 billion in noncash charitable donations. Of the roughly 18.6 million noncash donations that were reported:
    o Corporate stock represented the largest category of noncash donations at $23.7 billion or 44.9 % of all contributions.
    o Clothing donations represented the second largest category of noncash donations at $7.6 billion followed by land donations at $4.0 billion. They represent 14.4 percent and 7.7 percent of all non cash contributions, respectively.
    o Taxpayers with annual gross incomes of $10 million or more gave the most non cash donations at $17.6 billion or one-third of all donations. The average donation amount per return of taxpayers in this category was $2.4 million. Taxpayers with annual gross incomes between $200,000 and $500,000 gave $6.6 billion (12.5 percent of all donations), representing the second largest group to give in terms of dollar value. The overall average donation amount for all taxpayers claiming donations and deductions were just over $7,600.

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Child-Hope Zambia, Africa
Child-Hope Zambia. Among children development organisations in Zambia, Africa, helping underprivileged children, HIV/AIDS victims and fighting poverty in Zambian rural areas. AIDS in Africa has increased burdens of children development organizations like CHILDHOPE-ZAMBIA that help children. In some countries AIDS in Africa has increased the burdens of children development organizations like CHILDHOPE-ZAMBIA that helps orphans and vulnerable children from poor families. Orphanages have a challenge of keeping up with the growing numbers of orphans.

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